Radio Schillers nyhedsorientering nr. 32.

Nyhedsorientering den 6. april 2006. Taler: Tom Gillesberg, formand for Schiller Instituttet i Danmark.

Velfærdsreformen - danske nedskæringer under internationalt pres for at fjerne velfærdsstaten, regeringens "newspeak" nedskæringer pakket ind i flotte formuleringer, forsøget på at privatisere pensionssystemet og fjerne statens rolle, Velfærdskommissionens præmisser forkerte, det danske befolkningsantal skal stige fremover, globaliseringen er ikke kommet for at blive, vi står frem for et global finansielt sammenbrud, LD's direktør Jeppe Christiansen advarer imod globalt finansielt sammenbrud, Greenspan-boblen brister, en Iran-krig er jokeren, 1) Sammenbrud af højrisikomarkeder som Island, New Zealand, Tyrkiet, fortsatte fald på den islandske børs, 2)boligboblen 3)derivatmarkedet, $328. i valutaderivater, $ i kreditderivater, hvad sker der når en stor aktør kollapser?, hvem skal sikre befolkningen når systemet ryger?, globalisering=afnationalisering, globalisering=kannibalisering af økonomien, Skifte på vej i USA, Roosevelt mindeklub, LYM-medlem Kesha Rogers stiller op som formand for demokraterne i Texas, Robert Rubin lancerer Hamilton-projekt, hvad gør vi efter krakket, Nyt Bretton Woods, LaRouchekampagne deltager i valgkamp i Berlin, Danmark kan hægte sig på, Frankrig, Sidste nyt fra USA: Libby afslører at Cheney og Bush stod bag lækager til pressen.

Aprilnummeret af Prometheus

Foredrag af Michelle Rasmussen: Abraham Lincoln og kampen for nationalstaten.

De engelske tekster der refereres til står nedenunder: (Der er også nogle tekster som inkluderes her, der ikke blev læst op pga. mangel på tid.)


Abraham Lincoln and his son Tad


(The sections in brackets [] were not recited, but are included for reference.)

Deleted clause about slavery from the original draft of the Declaration of Independence :

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of INFIDEL powers, is the warfare of the CHRISTIAN king of Great Britain . Determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

 [Not recited: And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them: thus paying off former crimes committed against the LIBERTIES of one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit against the LIVES of another.

And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just: that his justice cannot sleep for ever: that considering numbers, nature and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among possible events: that it may become probable by supernatural interference! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest.—But it is impossible to be temperate and to pursue this subject through the various considerations of policy, of morals, of history natural and civil. We must be contented to hope they will force their way into every one’s mind.

                 I think a change already perceptible, since the origin of the present revolution. The spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, the way I hope preparing, under the auspices of heaven, for a total emancipation, and that this is disposed, in the order of events, to be with the consent of the masters, rather than by their extirpation.]


From Lincoln's Speech at Illinois Republican convention nominated as candidate for US Senate

"will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached, and passed. 'A house divided cannot stand' I believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved – I do not expect the house to fall – but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one think or all the other."


Before the 1860 presidential election, in a non-published memorandum til himself, Lincoln acknowledges his ambition for higher office but writes:

[Yet I have never failed -- do not now fail -- to remember that in the Republican cause there is a higher aim than that of mere office.

I have not allowed myself to forget that the abolition of the slave trade by Great Britain was agitated a hundred years before it was a final success]

Lincoln acknowledges that he may not see the freeing of the slaves in his lifetime.

"Even in this view, I am proud, in my passing speck of time, to contribute an humble mite to that glorious consummation, which my own poor eyes may not last to see."

August 22, 1862  

Lincoln's Reply to Editor Horace Greeley's criticism of his war and antislavery policies.

[I would save the Union . I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer the Union will be "the Union as it was." If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those' who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. ]

My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union , and is not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.

[What I do about slavery and the colored race I do because I believe it helps to save this Union ; and what I forbear I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union . I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. ]

I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men, everywhere, could be free.


From the Second Annual Address to Congress in 1862: 

For time reason, this quote was not used in the class, but was intended to show how Lincoln not only felt his personal historical esponsibility, but communicated that sense to the members of Congress:

Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress, and this administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass, will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the last generation. We say we are for the Union . The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union . The world knows we know how to save it. We even here--hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free--honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed--this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous and just--a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud and God must forever bless.

If we do this we shall not only have saved the Union , but we shall have so saved it, as to make, and to keep it forever worthy of the saving. We shall have so saved it, that the succeeding millions of free happy people the world over shall rise up and call us blessed, to the latest generations.


Gettysberg Address:

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But in a larger sense we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.

 It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

This picture, taken after the victory was achieved, is the only existing picture of Lincoln smiling, and is the last picture taken of him.


During Lincoln ’s Funeral in Springfield Illinois

From Bishop Matthew Simpson’s Oration:

 This quote was also not recited for time reasons, but is a very moving example of how conscious the citizens were of the great historical issues at stake during the civil war.

“There are moments which involve in themselves eternities. There are instants which seem to contain germs which shall develop and bloom forever. Such a moment came in the tide of time to our land when a question must be settled, affecting all the powers of the earth. The contest was for human freedom. Not for this republic merely, not for the Union simply, but to decide whether the people, as a people, in their entire majesty, were destined to be the Governments, or whether they were to be subject to tyrants or aristocrats, or to class rule of any kind. This is the great question for which we have been fighting, and its decision is at hand, and the result of this contest will affect the ages to come. If successful, republics will spread in spite of monarchs all over this earth”

Post Script (not in class):

    With these two pictures, one can see the result of Abraham Lincoln's life's work by looking at the great black ex-slave leader Frederick Douglas, and two of his sons, one standing proudly in his military uniform, and the other with his violin.  This son became a great classical violinist.





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